In the midst of coverage of the UK’s MEPs departing from the European parliament, as the scene is set for leaving the EU tomorrow, it would have been easy to overlook some important developments back in Westminster yesterday. MPs voted to elect Chairs of Select Committees in the House of Commons. Select Committees are a key part of holding governments to account, as they scrutinise departmental business, and the procedures of parliament themselves. Governments are obliged to respond to Select Committee recommendations, which they make based on reports including evidence from expert witnesses to Committee hearings.
After every General Election (so pretty often lately) Select Committees are reformed, with Chairs divided between the political parties, according to parties’ share of the vote. As the 2019 election changed the political landscape dramatically, its impact has been felt in the distribution of Chairs between Conservative and Labour. In the 2017 parliament, the Conservatives held 13 Chairs, and Labour 12, but following Conservative gains under Boris Johnson, this has shifted to 16 committees being overseen by Conservatives, and 10 by Labour MPs. The SNP have retained their two Chairmanships – Scotland and International Trade, while the Lib Dems lost Science and Technology to the Tories. The Institute for Government has a full summary of who stood for election to the Chair positions here.
However, it is not just the party arithmetic in Select Committees that has changed as a result of the 2019 General Election. The gender balance has too – and not necessarily in a progressive direction. Although the election resulted in the highest proportion of women ever elected to parliament (220 out 650 MPs, or 34% of the total) the proportion of women elected in each political party varies radically. While 48% of Labour MPs are women, three-quarters of Conservatives are men. In the SNP and Liberal Democrats, male MPs outnumber females by roughly 2:1. This means that the pool from which Select Committee Chairs are chosen in this parliament, skews male. Moreover, these posts have become high-status, and a way for experienced backbenchers to carve out a prominent and authoritative position for themselves, outside of becoming a government minister. I wrote in autumn about the issue of women leaving parliament in relatively high numbers, especially on the Conservative side. This means that there are more novices among Tory women in parliament than may otherwise have been the case, reducing the numbers of Conservative women likely to stand for Chairmanships considerably.
I have also written before about the tendency for Select Committee Chairs and members to sort themselves on gender lines according to status and perceptions of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ political topics. Foreign Affairs and Defence are historically male-dominated, while Education and Health are more likely to be evenly mixed. In yesterday’s elections of Chairs, only 15 Committees out of 28 ended up in contention, as incumbents remained unopposed in 11 cases, and 2 Chairs were elected unopposed (Steve Crabb for Wales and Caroline Nokes for Women and Equalities, both Conservative MPs). Elsewhere, there were two Committees, International Development and Petitions, where only female (Labour) candidates stood, and a further 6 where both male and female MPs were candidates. In the remaining seven contested Chairs, only male candidates were on offer. In all, only one Conservative, and one Labour, woman, was elected Chair where they stood against men. Of the 28 Select Committees where Chairs can be elected, only 8 have a woman in the Chairman post (28%).
These results may be an early warning concerning female representation in this parliament. Boris Johnson was rumoured to have plans to reduce the number of government departments, and therefore the number of corresponding Select Committees. The (male-dominated) Department for Exiting the EU will go, and the freestanding department of International Development has apparently escaped the axe. It’s now said that the Prime Minister wants to focus on departmental performance, rather than changing the composition of government departments. For the moment it is impossible to know exactly what changes the Prime Minister has in mind in advance of his re-shuffle next month; but the chances for women to attain positions of power in parliament can go down as well as up.